N\u00eb shtator t\u00eb vitit 1913 shp\u00ebrtheu kryengritja shqiptare kund\u00ebr pushtetar\u00ebve t\u00eb rinj, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ushtria serbe e shuajti pa m\u00ebshir\u00eb. Marksist\u00ebt e pranish\u00ebm n\u00eb terren n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb karakterizoheshin nga fakti se ata p\u00ebrshkruanin dhe d\u00ebnonin krimet e ushtris\u00eb serbe kund\u00ebr popullat\u00ebs civile shqiptare pa asnj\u00eb llogaritje. N\u00eb artikullin \u201cGjaku i ushtar\u00ebve\u201d dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb n\u00eb librin \u201cSerbia dhe Shqip\u00ebria\u201d, socialisti serb Dimitrije Tucovi\u0107 nuk ngurroi t\u00eb thoshte t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn mes euforis\u00eb nacionaliste q\u00eb u p\u00ebrhap n\u00eb parlamentin serb pas zgjerimit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb shtetit:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cKur shp\u00ebrtheu kryengritja, qeveria p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit t\u00eb Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Jashtme deklaroi se Arbanasi do t\u00eb \u201cd\u00ebnohej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e duhur\u201d. Shtypi borgjez b\u00ebri thirrje p\u00ebr shfarosje t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirshme dhe ushtria e kreu at\u00eb. Fshatrat e Arbanasit, nga t\u00eb cil\u00ebt burrat arrit\u00ebn t\u00eb arratiseshin n\u00eb koh\u00eb, u b\u00ebn\u00eb g\u00ebrmadha. K\u00ebto ishin krematoriume barbare ku u dogj\u00ebn t\u00eb gjall\u00eb qindra gra e f\u00ebmij\u00eb. Dhe derisa kryengrit\u00ebsit i \u00e7armatos\u00ebn dhe i liruan oficer\u00ebt dhe ushtar\u00ebt serb\u00eb t\u00eb kapur, ushtar\u00ebt serb\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim nuk i kursejn\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, grat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb s\u00ebmur\u00ebt\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pa u kapur nga loj\u00ebrat e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha mbi Ballkanin dhe n\u00eb spekulime se kush mund t’i p\u00ebrdorte lajmet p\u00ebr brutalitetin e ushtris\u00eb serbe p\u00ebr interesat e tij, revolucionari rus Leon Trotsky regjistroi at\u00eb q\u00eb ka par\u00eb se \u00e7\u2019b\u00ebri si korrespondent lufte p\u00ebr Gazeta ukrainase \u00abKiyevskaya misl\u00bb. Nga nj\u00eb pozicion i pavarur klasor, Trocki shkroi p\u00ebr vrasjet masive t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve gjat\u00eb dhe menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebrave Ballkanike, t\u00eb kryera nga ushtria e rregullt serbe, por kryesisht nga grupet paramilitare. Trocki vuri re se k\u00ebto formacione paraushtarake p\u00ebrb\u00ebheshin nga nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i vog\u00ebl intelektual\u00ebsh entuziast\u00eb p\u00ebr idet\u00eb nacionaliste dhe nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh element\u00ebsh kriminal\u00eb t\u00eb motivuar nga grabitjet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Duke shkruar v\u00ebzhgimet e tyre n\u00eb terren, Dimitrije Tucovi\u0107 dhe Leon Trotsky ishin t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se Luft\u00ebrat Ballkanike po ktheheshin me shpejt\u00ebsi nga lufta p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim komb\u00ebtar nga sundimtar\u00ebt turq n\u00eb luft\u00ebra t\u00eb vogla imperialiste. Edhe pse t\u00eb rinj, Serbia, Mali i Zi, Greqia dhe Bullgaria – shtetet ballkanike q\u00eb zmbraps\u00ebn ushtrin\u00eb turke n\u00eb vitet 1912-1913 – ishin tashm\u00eb t\u00eb sunduara nga monarkit\u00eb reaksionare dhe burokracit\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb konsoliduara pa interes p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar fatin e njer\u00ebzve.<\/p>\n\n\n\nDimitrije Tucovi\u0107<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\nM\u00ebnyra se si borgjezia serbe e kishte organizuar pushtetin e saj n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e pasqyron mir\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt. Beogradi nuk i solli popullit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs liri t\u00eb reja politike, p\u00ebrparim ekonomik apo siguri. Pas marrjes s\u00eb pushtetit pati korrupsion. P\u00ebrfituesit e luft\u00ebs nga formacionet paraushtarake dep\u00ebrtonin n\u00eb organet e administrat\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore lokale dhe diskriminonin sistematikisht popullat\u00ebn joserbe. Shqiptar\u00ebt nuk kishin mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb shkonin n\u00eb shkoll\u00eb n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e tyre. Shteti serb zhvilloi fushata p\u00ebr konvertimin e katolik\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb fen\u00eb ortodokse. Toka e konfiskuar nga latifundist\u00ebt dhe bejler\u00ebt (pronar\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb osman\u00eb) nuk iu shp\u00ebrnda fshatar\u00ebve t\u00eb varf\u00ebr shqiptar\u00eb, por iu dha kolon\u00ebve t\u00eb krishter\u00eb nga Serbia dhe Mali i Zi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nd\u00ebrmjet viteve 1918 dhe 1924, nj\u00eb kryengritje e armatosur e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje guerile (kryengritja ka\u00e7ake) u p\u00ebrhap p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Nj\u00eb nga krer\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb shquar t\u00eb ka\u00e7ak\u00ebve ishte Bajram Curri, luft\u00ebtar shum\u00ebvje\u00e7ar p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin e popullit shqiptar. Curri u entuziazmua me Revolucionin Rus dhe qasjen e Leninit ndaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare dhe filloi t\u00eb korrespondonte me t\u00eb. Komiteti p\u00ebr Mbrojtjen Komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs u krijua n\u00eb vitin 1918 n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Bajram Currit. Curri m\u00eb von\u00eb ra n\u00eb kontakt edhe me Internacionalen e Tret\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Shteti serb, me miratimin dhe mb\u00ebshtetjen e shtypit borgjez, p\u00ebrdori metodat m\u00eb mizore kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij rebelimi. Sht\u00ebpit\u00eb ka\u00e7ake u dogj\u00ebn, pronat e tyre u konfiskuan dhe familjet ka\u00e7ake u internuan n\u00eb kampe. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sfond, nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb \u00e7udi q\u00eb shumica e shqiptar\u00ebve nuk e shihnin shtetin serb si \u00e7lirimtar pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, por si nj\u00eb pushtues. Shqiptar\u00ebt u p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb zyrtarisht n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike t\u00eb Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Serb\u00ebve, Kroat\u00ebve dhe Slloven\u00ebve n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet partis\u00eb konservatore D\u017eemijet. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo organizat\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte nj\u00eb elit\u00eb pronare myslimane q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteti n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb oportuniste partit\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse serbe n\u00eb parlament n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb l\u00ebshimeve t\u00eb vogla. E vetmja organizat\u00eb politike n\u00eb Serbi dhe Jugosllavi q\u00eb tregoi solidaritet t\u00eb qart\u00eb dhe t\u00eb pa rezerv\u00eb me luft\u00ebn e popullit shqiptar p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e tij komb\u00ebtare, kulturore dhe ekonomike n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrmjetme ishte Partia Komuniste e Jugosllavis\u00eb (KPJ).<\/p>\n\n\n\nBajram Curri<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\nSundimi kaotik i Perandoris\u00eb Osmane n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsua k\u00ebshtu nga administrimi ushtarak i shtetit serb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 20-t\u00eb. Q\u00ebndrimi i Serbis\u00eb ndaj popullit shqiptar gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjetme mund t\u00eb cil\u00ebsohet vet\u00ebm si kolonial dhe racist. Shqiptar\u00ebt u shpall\u00ebn t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nj\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur kulturore dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar shtetin e tyre komb\u00ebtar. Territori postosman i banuar nga popullsia shumic\u00eb shqiptare u p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsua n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb drejtave historike\u201d dhe mitologjis\u00eb shoviniste t\u00eb rikthimit t\u00eb territoreve t\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb mesjetare serbe. Kjo politik\u00eb reaksionare e borgjezis\u00eb serbe \u00e7oi n\u00eb dekada mosbesimi dhe shpesh armiq\u00ebsi t\u00eb hapur mes shqiptar\u00ebve dhe serb\u00ebve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
V\u00ebllaz\u00ebria Partizane e Armatosur<\/h2>\n\n\n\n Precedenti q\u00eb ka treguar se shtypja komb\u00ebtare dhe mosbesimi n\u00eb mesin e popujve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nuk ka nevoj\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrihet brez pas brezi, vjen n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur m\u00eb s\u00eb paku pritej. Fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00ebsin\u00eb e armatosur t\u00eb serb\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes partizane gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Perspektivat p\u00ebr veprim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt politik p\u00ebrtej kufijve etnik\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishin shum\u00eb t\u00eb pakta n\u00eb muajt e par\u00eb t\u00eb okupimit. Fashist\u00ebt italian\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuan me mjesht\u00ebri divizionet e paraluft\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb konsoliduar pushtetin e tyre. Ata fut\u00ebn arsimin n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe, lejuan shfaqjen publike t\u00eb simboleve komb\u00ebtare shqiptare dhe u paraqit\u00ebn si \u00e7lirimtare t\u00eb masave shqiptare nga sundimi serb. Nga shtresat e prapambetura politikisht t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, pushtuesit rekrutuan milici t\u00eb ndryshme fashiste dhe formacione bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtore q\u00eb b\u00ebnin terror ndaj popullat\u00ebs serbe, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ndaj familjeve m\u00eb t\u00eb varfra t\u00eb kolon\u00ebve, t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb d\u00ebboheshin ose asgj\u00ebsoheshin. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, bandat \u00e7etnike (nacionaliste serbe) nga Kosova pushtuan Sanxhakun p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb hak ndaj civil\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb dhe mysliman\u00eb n\u00eb fshatrat kufitare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ky skenar nuk ishte i kufizuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Situata t\u00eb ngjashme mbizot\u00ebruan gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore n\u00eb Dalmaci, pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs dhe shum\u00eb zona t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Ballkan. Ajo q\u00eb po ndodhte n\u00eb k\u00ebto rajone t\u00eb pazhvilluara, multietnike ishte terrori sistematik i pushtuesve fashist\u00eb kund\u00ebr popullat\u00ebs serbe dhe popujve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, dhe festat e p\u00ebrgjakshme t\u00eb milicive armiq\u00ebsore vendase nacionaliste. K\u00ebto banda reaksionare u rrit\u00ebn n\u00ebn kujdesin e ushtrive t\u00eb huaja pushtuese dhe masakruan popullsin\u00eb vendase q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteti l\u00ebvizjen e rezistenc\u00ebs partizane. Krimet e tyre ishin t\u00eb motivuara nga hakmarrja, krijimi i zonave etnikisht t\u00eb pastra ose pla\u00e7kitjet.<\/p>\n\n\n\nDallimi kryesor nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe zonave t\u00eb tjera etnikisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrziera t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb ishte dob\u00ebsia objektive e l\u00ebvizjes partizane n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Partizan\u00ebt ishin e vetmja forc\u00eb politike q\u00eb luftoi vazhdimisht kund\u00ebr pushtuesit dhe organizoi popullsin\u00eb p\u00ebrtej kufijve etnik\u00eb. Rritja e ndikimit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar ishte pra e vetmja garanci se nuk do t\u00eb kishte gjakderdhje n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb komb\u00ebsis\u00eb. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb, PKJ kishte vet\u00ebm 270 an\u00ebtar\u00eb kur shp\u00ebrtheu lufta. Vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebzet prej tyre ishin me prejardhje shqiptare. Mungesa e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore industriale dhe mosbesimi i shqiptar\u00ebve ndaj nj\u00eb organizate politike t\u00eb perceptuar si “sllave” ishin pengesat kryesore p\u00ebr komunist\u00ebt n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Situata n\u00eb terren ndryshoi gradualisht nd\u00ebrsa lufta p\u00ebrparonte. N\u00eb shtator 1942 u formua nj\u00ebsia e par\u00eb partizane shqiptare. Nj\u00eb shtys\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr forcimin e reputacionit t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes partizane te popullata shqiptare e Kosov\u00ebs ishte ndikimi n\u00eb rritje i grupeve marksiste dhe aksioneve guerile n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Vendosm\u00ebria e delegat\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb dhe serb\u00eb t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit Popullor \u00c7lirimtar p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe Dukagjinin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vet\u00ebvendosjes s\u00eb popullit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (Konferenca e Bujanit) si dhe p\u00ebrkrahja vet\u00ebmohuese e shok\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb nga partizan\u00ebt jugosllav\u00eb gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb e luft\u00ebs ndihmuan p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer paragjykimet e shqiptar\u00ebve kundrall komunist\u00ebve\/komunisteve serb\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Komunist\u00ebt e shquar kosovar\u00eb si Miladin Popovi\u00e7, Dushan Mugosha, Ramiz Sadiku dhe Borko \u00abBoro\u00bb Vukmirovi\u00e7 luajt\u00ebn nj\u00eb rol qendror n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e urave nd\u00ebrmjet l\u00ebvizjeve revolucionare n\u00eb Jugosllavi dhe Shqip\u00ebri. Ata mor\u00ebn nj\u00eb linj\u00eb internacionaliste n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duke b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00eb p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrjen e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb reform\u00ebn agrare, p\u00ebrdorimin e lir\u00eb t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs shqipe n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn lokale dhe n\u00eb sistemin shkollor dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e shqiptar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t’u kujdesur p\u00ebr trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e tyre kulturore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mir\u00ebpo, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e PKJ-s\u00eb mbajt\u00ebn q\u00ebndrim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar ndaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare shqiptare. Aktivist\u00ebt si Sadiku, Mugosha dhe Popovi\u00e7 ishin kuadro partiake me p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr regjimit monarkist dhe fashizmit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, n\u00eb kontakt t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me bashk\u00ebluft\u00ebtar\u00ebt n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, formuan nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi klasore. Megjithat\u00eb, shum\u00eb t\u00eb rekrutuar t\u00eb rinj serb\u00eb n\u00eb komandot partizane nga Kosova, Mali i Zi dhe Serbia jugore nuk ishin t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit kalib\u00ebr politik dhe pik\u00ebpamjet e tyre u ndikuan pashmangshm\u00ebrisht nga terrori i kolaborator\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb q\u00eb kishin p\u00ebrballuar familjet e tyre gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Ata prireshin t’i shihnin shqiptar\u00ebt si bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb me pushtuesit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nuk duhet t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb as idet\u00eb e trash\u00ebguara shoviniste q\u00eb vazhduan t\u00eb qarkullonin n\u00eb institucionet shtet\u00ebrore pas luft\u00ebs. K\u00ebtu p\u00ebrfshihej edhe ideja e d\u00ebbimit t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs shqiptare nga Kosova, e cila ende mb\u00ebshtetej nga zyrtari Vasa \u00c7ubriloviq. N\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen popullore-\u00e7lirimtare dhe n\u00eb pushtetin e pasluft\u00ebs qarkulluan pik\u00ebpamje kontradiktore p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e zgjidhjes s\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb kulture demokratike t\u00eb diskutimit t\u00eb hapur t\u00eb linj\u00ebs dhe perspektivave politike n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e PKJ-s\u00eb s\u00eb stalinizuar, autoritetet e reja vepruan n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb empirike dhe reaktive. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb planifikonin dhe drejtonin procesin e ardhsh\u00ebm, komunist\u00ebt jugosllav\u00eb lan\u00eb q\u00eb zhvillimi spontan i ngjarjeve n\u00eb terren t\u00eb vendoste se cila qasje do t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebronte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Megjith\u00ebse idet\u00eb komuniste u p\u00ebrhap\u00ebn n\u00eb shtresa t\u00eb gjera t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb shqiptare, shumica ishin ende t\u00eb rezervuar ose t\u00eb ndikuar nga rrymat politike nacionaliste dhe ish-kolaborator\u00ebt – ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb rajonin malor t\u00eb Drenic\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn qendrore, ku marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet patriarkale familjare dominonin jet\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore dhe politike. Strategjia e komunist\u00ebve jugosllav\u00eb n\u00eb muajt e fundit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishte mobilizimi masiv i rinis\u00eb shqiptare n\u00eb nj\u00ebsit\u00eb e ushtris\u00eb guerile dhe integrimi i tyre n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen revolucionare duke luftuar fashizmin n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb vendit. N\u00eb nj\u00eb hap t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm, industrializimi i shpejt\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duhet t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb klas\u00eb t\u00eb re pun\u00ebtore dhe t\u00eb shkrij\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet patriarkale t\u00eb var\u00ebsis\u00eb. U ngrit edhe pyetja se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodhte me ato pjes\u00eb t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb shqiptare q\u00eb tashm\u00eb ishin p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjet reaksionare politike dhe guerile. Ashtu si n\u00eb rastin e komandove bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtore n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb vendit, komunist\u00ebt planifikuan nj\u00eb amnisti p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e gardave q\u00eb nuk kishin kryer krime lufte, nd\u00ebrsa drejtuesit e k\u00ebtyre formacioneve do t\u00eb dilnin para drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Drejtuesit e formacioneve nacionaliste, duke kuptuar se dit\u00ebt e tyre ishin t\u00eb num\u00ebruara, filluan nj\u00eb kryengritje t\u00eb armatosur kund\u00ebr autoriteteve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 1944. Bilanci i sakt\u00eb i fuqis\u00eb dhe shp\u00ebrndarja globale e sferave t\u00eb ndikimit midis Bashkimit Sovjetik dhe aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb tij per\u00ebndimor\u00eb nuk dihej n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb. Shpresa e organizatave nacionaliste shqiptare ishte t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqnin v\u00ebmendjen e aleat\u00ebve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrfundimisht t’i bashkoheshin nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb armatosur t\u00eb shteteve kapitaliste kund\u00ebr komunizmit n\u00eb Ballkan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kryengritja, e cila e kishte bastionin e saj n\u00eb rajonin e Drenic\u00ebs, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme u dha p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi krah\u00ebve m\u00eb reaksionar\u00eb brenda deg\u00ebs serbe t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste. N\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 1945 n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb u krijua administrata ushtarake dhe 30.000 ushtar\u00eb t\u00eb Ushtris\u00eb Popullore Jugosllave u ngarkuan p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtypur kryengritjen n\u00eb fshatrat e Drenic\u00ebs. Pasi kryengritja u vu n\u00ebn kontroll nga nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje brutale, statusi formal i Kosov\u00ebs brenda Jugosllavis\u00eb s\u00eb re u qart\u00ebsua n\u00eb korrik t\u00eb po atij viti pa shum\u00eb diskutime politike. K\u00ebshilli Nacional\u00e7lirimtar i Kosov\u00ebs dhe Metohis\u00eb, me 142 an\u00ebtar\u00eb (vet\u00ebm 33 prej tyre shqiptar\u00eb), votoi vendimin p\u00ebr inkorporimin e Kosov\u00ebs si rajon autonom n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nuk ka dyshim se muajt e sundimit ushtarak dhe p\u00ebrjashtimi i masave shqiptare nga vendimmarrja p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrforcoi pretendimin e politikan\u00ebve nacionalist\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb se sundimi komunist nuk ishte thelb\u00ebsisht i ndrysh\u00ebm nga regjimi i paraluft\u00ebs dhe se shqiptar\u00ebt mund t\u00eb jetonin vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet borgjez t\u00eb pavarur ose mund t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb plota komb\u00ebtare vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet bashkimit me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo ishte larg nga e v\u00ebrteta. Shteti i ri pun\u00ebtor q\u00eb doli nga revolucioni dhe aktivizimi i masave, me gjith\u00eb t\u00eb metat dhe gabimet e udh\u00ebheqjes staliniste t\u00eb PKJ-s\u00eb, kishte pak t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta me Jugosllavin\u00eb monarkiste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Revolucionet socialiste n\u00eb Bullgari, Jugosllavi dhe Shqip\u00ebri dhe forcimi i forcave komuniste n\u00eb Greqi hap\u00ebn perspektiv\u00ebn e nj\u00eb riorganizimi rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor t\u00eb rajonit dhe zgjidhjes s\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare shqiptare. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e l\u00ebvizjeve partizane n\u00eb Jugosllavi dhe Shqip\u00ebri konsideruan krijimin e nj\u00eb federate m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb socialiste q\u00eb do t\u00eb shkonte p\u00ebrtej korniz\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare borgjeze. N\u00eb nj\u00eb mesazh t\u00eb Shtabit Suprem t\u00eb Ushtris\u00eb Popullore \u00c7lirimtare t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb drejtuar Ushtris\u00eb Popullore \u00c7lirimtare t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb nga fundi i janarit 1944, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera thuhet:<\/p>\n\n\n\n\u201cSipas mendimit ton\u00eb, shok\u00ebt n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri duhet t\u00eb punojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ta lidhur sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb luft\u00ebn e tyre me ton\u00ebn. Duhet t\u00eb publikohen vendimet e AVNOJ-it dhe t\u00eb organizat\u00ebs federaliste t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb, si dhe mund\u00ebsia e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb kombeve t\u00eb tjera ballkanike n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb federat\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb fort\u00eb dhe t\u00eb madh ballkanik t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb barabart\u00eb, i cili do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb lojtar i fort\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb me mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, sepse vet\u00ebm ashtu ai do t\u00eb ofronte zhvillim t\u00eb gjithansh\u00ebm t\u00eb kombeve individuale.\u00bb<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Masat konkrete t\u00eb marra n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja vendet menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas \u00e7lirimit tregojn\u00eb se k\u00ebto nuk ishin fraza boshe. Beogradi dhe Tirana n\u00ebnshkruan nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb traktatesh dhe marr\u00ebveshjesh q\u00eb hap\u00ebn rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb ushtarak, ekonomik dhe kulturor. K\u00ebto p\u00ebrfshinin: Traktatin e Miq\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Ndihm\u00ebs s\u00eb Nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb (q\u00eb garanton bashk\u00ebpunimin ushtarak, 9 korrik 1946), Marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr Harmonizimin e Planeve Ekonomike, Bashkimin Doganor dhe Barazimin Monetar nd\u00ebrmjet Republik\u00ebs Popullore Federale t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe Republik\u00ebs Popullore t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb (korrik 27, 1946). N\u00ebntor 1946) dhe Marr\u00ebveshja mbi Bashk\u00ebpunimin Kulturor (9 qershor 1947). Jugosllavia d\u00ebrgoi n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri k\u00ebshilltar\u00eb ushtarak\u00eb dhe ekonomik\u00eb dhe g\u00ebzonte nj\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb till\u00eb, sa q\u00eb serbokroatishtja u fut si l\u00ebnd\u00eb e detyrueshme n\u00eb shkollat shqipe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Po b\u00ebhet e qart\u00eb se statusi formal i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb vitet e para pas \u00e7lirimit nga fashizmi ishte, n\u00eb syt\u00eb e udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb PKJ-s\u00eb, nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje taktike q\u00eb ata shpresonin se do t\u00eb humbiste r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb sapo t\u00eb stabilizohej revolucioni dhe nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb ballkanike q\u00eb do t\u2019i \u201cshkrinte\u201d kufijt\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, duke shnd\u00ebrruar kufirin mes Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb si t\u00eb tep\u00ebrt. Sipas Milentije Popoviqit, duke folur para K\u00ebshillit Popullor \u00c7lirimtar n\u00eb Prizren n\u00eb korrik 1945: \u201c\u00c7\u00ebshtja se \u00e7far\u00eb statusi do t\u00eb ket\u00eb Kosova dhe Metohia sot, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes popullore, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje administrative, jo politike\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00abHej, sllav\u00eb\u00bb: Socializmi n\u00eb akcilin vend<\/h2>\n\n\n\n Ndarja midis Mosk\u00ebs dhe Beogradit n\u00eb vitin 1948 dhe kthimi i \u00e7do shteti ballkanik drejt nj\u00eb “rruge komb\u00ebtare\u201d p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e socializmit individual, pati pasoja fatale p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb Jugosllavi. Stalinizimi i l\u00ebvizjes pun\u00ebtore n\u00eb Ballkan – i manifestuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me manovrat e d\u00ebmshme politike t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs dhe kontradiktat sociale n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb modelit stalinist t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb “socializmit n\u00eb akcilin vend” – pati pasoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha aspektet e tjera t\u00eb emancipimit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb tejkalimin e shtypjes komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb rastin e Jugosllavis\u00eb, l\u00ebvizja drejt nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb federate t\u00eb sllav\u00ebve t\u00eb jugut n\u00ebnkuptonte gjithashtu nj\u00eb zbehje graduale t\u00eb ideve t\u00eb internacionalizmit pun\u00ebtor\u00eb. Uniteti i klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore jugosllave mb\u00ebshtetej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb iden\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb sllav\u00ebve p\u00ebr shtetin dhe gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak n\u00eb iden\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Ndon\u00ebse shqiptar\u00ebt ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb se disa nga kombet p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb ri, atyre iu dha statusi i “komb\u00ebsis\u00eb” (narodnost), d.m.th. i pakic\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente si nj\u00eb ur\u00eb lidh\u00ebse nd\u00ebrmjet dy entiteteve n\u00eb nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ballkanike, Kosova u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb nj\u00eb “rrug\u00eb qorre” dhe nj\u00eb rrezik potencial sigurie n\u00eb syt\u00eb e komunist\u00ebve jugosllav\u00eb. Kosova shihej si nj\u00eb vend ku Moska dhe Tirana mund t\u00eb minonin sovranitetin e Jugosllavis\u00eb duke ndikuar n\u00eb pakic\u00ebn shqiptare. Grupet e prapambetura, t\u00eb cilat kultivonin paragjykime ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve, rifituan k\u00ebshtu dominimin n\u00eb parti, dhe shqiptar\u00ebt si rrjedhim u shtyn\u00eb n\u00eb skajet e jet\u00ebs politike dhe shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb Jugosllavi.<\/p>\n\n\n\nKosova u b\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb e l\u00ebn\u00eb pas dore, ku policia dhe sh\u00ebrbimet e sigurimit shtet\u00ebror kishin ep\u00ebrsin\u00eb dhe shqiptar\u00ebt klasifikoheshin si \u201cqytetar\u00eb t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb\u201d. Vler\u00ebsohet se rreth 120,000 kosovar\u00eb t\u00eb komb\u00ebsis\u00eb shqiptare ishin n\u00ebn v\u00ebzhgim nga Sh\u00ebrbimi i Sigurimit Shtet\u00ebror dhe policia deri n\u00eb shkarkimin e Aleksandar Rankoviqit (kreu i policis\u00eb sekrete) n\u00eb vitin 1966. Shqiptar\u00ebt ishin t\u00eb margjinalizuar n\u00eb organizatat socio-politike. N\u00eb mesin e viteve 1950, serb\u00ebt dhe malazez\u00ebt n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin 50 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb partis\u00eb, 68 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb pozitave t\u00eb larta administrative n\u00eb institucionet shtet\u00ebrore dhe madje 87 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb personelit t\u00eb sigurimit. E gjith\u00eb kjo pavar\u00ebsisht se ata p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin vet\u00ebm 27 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb aspektin ekonomik, Kosova ishte e l\u00ebn\u00eb pas dore n\u00eb vitet 1950. Vet\u00ebm nga viti 1957 Kosova ka marr\u00eb mjete nga buxheti federal p\u00ebr rajonet e saj t\u00eb pazhvilluara. Investimi p\u00ebr kok\u00eb banori n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb arriti n\u00eb 43.5 p\u00ebrqind t\u00eb mesatares jugosllave gjat\u00eb asaj dekade. N\u00eb vitin 1958 n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kishte vet\u00ebm 49 nd\u00ebrmarrje industriale q\u00eb pun\u00ebsonin 16.000 pun\u00ebtor\u00eb. N\u00eb krahasim flet vet, at\u00eb vit n\u00eb Slloveni kishte 465 kompani. K\u00ebto ishin kryesisht industri baz\u00eb me kapital intensiv, q\u00eb nuk pun\u00ebsonin shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz dhe \u00e7mimet e t\u00eb cilave vareshin nga prodhimi final q\u00eb b\u00ebhej n\u00eb pjes\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb zhvilluara t\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pavar\u00ebsisht rritjes ekonomike n\u00eb terma absolut\u00eb, hendeku nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe pjes\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb zhvilluara t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar me kalimin e viteve. N\u00eb vitin 1946 t\u00eb ardhurat mesatare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishin nj\u00eb e treta e atyre n\u00eb Slloveni, nd\u00ebrsa diferenca u ngushtua n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb pest\u00ebn n\u00eb vitin 1964 – nj\u00eb shif\u00ebr shkat\u00ebrruese p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb e shpalli veten socialist. N\u00ebn presionin e moszhvillimit dhe tortur\u00ebs policore, shqiptar\u00ebt u larguan masivisht nga Jugosllavia dhe emigruan n\u00eb Turqi, gj\u00eb q\u00eb shteti jugosllav e inkurajoi duke n\u00ebnshkruar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb me Ankaran\u00eb p\u00ebr pritjen e emigrant\u00ebve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Megjithat\u00eb, historia e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb shtetin pun\u00ebtor jugosllav nuk kufizohet vet\u00ebm me represionin dhe rolin e viktim\u00ebs. S\u00eb pari, shqiptar\u00ebt ishin aktor\u00eb t\u00eb aft\u00eb t\u00eb form\u00ebsonin rrymat politike \u2013 qoft\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e shtetit dhe partis\u00eb, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebrmes presionit nga rrug\u00ebt n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb organizate t\u00eb pavarur nga posht\u00eb lart. S\u00eb dyti, pavar\u00ebsisht munges\u00ebs s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb dhe shtremb\u00ebrimeve zhvillimore t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptuara nga koncepti i “socializmit n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend”, Jugosllavia e pasluft\u00ebs ishte nj\u00eb entitet revolucionar q\u00eb ishte krejt\u00ebsisht i aft\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebnte p\u00ebrparim dhe t’u krijonte hap\u00ebsir\u00eb pjes\u00ebve t\u00eb margjinalizuara t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar emancipim. Si\u00e7 u p\u00ebrmend m\u00eb lart, tek komunist\u00ebt jugosllav\u00eb kishte qasje t\u00eb ndryshme ndaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare shqiptare. Nga fillimi i viteve 1960, rrymat m\u00eb progresive po fitonin p\u00ebrs\u00ebri terren. P\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrmjet Beogradit dhe Mosk\u00ebs, por edhe shk\u00ebputja e burokracis\u00eb partiake shqiptare n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb nga ish-aleat\u00ebt e saj n\u00eb Bashkimin Sovjetik, krijuan kushtet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb politik\u00ebs zyrtare ndaj Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebtyre ndryshimeve gjeopolitike, ndikimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh e ushtronin kryesisht zyrtar\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb brenda Lidhjes s\u00eb Komunist\u00ebve t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb (SKJ). Nj\u00eb faktor tjet\u00ebr ishin demonstratat n\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb vitin 1968, t\u00eb cilat t\u00ebrhoq\u00ebn v\u00ebmendjen e publikut p\u00ebr kushtet katastrofike t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs n\u00eb krahin\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Vitet 1960 dhe 1970 parashikojn\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb progresive ndaj pakicave komb\u00ebtare q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndiqte nj\u00eb shtet pun\u00ebtor\u00ebsh i bazuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb ekonomi t\u00eb planifikuar. N\u00eb vitin 1968, Kosov\u00ebs iu dha statusi i nj\u00eb krahine autonome me kushtetut\u00ebn e saj, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb vitin 1974 statusi kushtetues dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi politik brenda federat\u00ebs u ngrit pothuajse n\u00eb nivelin e republik\u00ebs. Pushteti vendor filloi t’i kushtonte v\u00ebmendje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs shqipe n\u00eb sistemin shkollor, n\u00eb institucionet kulturore dhe qeveritare, nd\u00ebrsa dygjuh\u00ebsia e rrept\u00eb u fut n\u00eb organizatat shoq\u00ebrore-politike dhe n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike. Kjo do t\u00eb thoshte se u hap\u00ebn dyert p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb angazhim t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve brenda strukturave zyrtare. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 1970, shqiptar\u00ebt p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin tashm\u00eb dy t\u00eb tretat e an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb partis\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrqindja e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb administrat\u00eb dhe kompani u rrit ndjesh\u00ebm. Edhe n\u00eb aspektin ekonomik, k\u00ebto dy dekada do t\u00eb mbahen mend si vite t\u00eb p\u00ebrparimit t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar nga projektet infrastrukturore, krijimi i vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe rritja e standardeve t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb vitin 1965 u themelua Fondi p\u00ebr Zhvillimin e P\u00ebrshpejtuar t\u00eb Republikave t\u00eb Pazhvilluara dhe t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ka shum\u00eb keqinterpretime t\u00eb k\u00ebtij mekanizmi federal t\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndarjes. P\u00ebr liberal\u00ebt ekonomik\u00eb, ai p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb transferim t\u00eb paarsyesh\u00ebm t\u00eb vler\u00ebs n\u00eb investime “jofitimprur\u00ebse”. Nacionalist\u00ebt serb\u00eb shpesh e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje k\u00ebt\u00eb fond si d\u00ebshmin\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb p\u00ebrtacis\u00eb dhe madje mosmir\u00ebnjohjes s\u00eb pretenduar t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, e v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se ky mekaniz\u00ebm ishte nj\u00eb kompensim p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb ekuilibruar t\u00eb vendit n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb plani qendror investimi n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb federat\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. Ky fond ishte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb model rritjeje t\u00eb orientuar drejt tregut, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin polet kryesore t\u00eb zhvillimit ekonomik ishin kompanit\u00eb dhe rajonet q\u00eb tashm\u00eb kishin avantazhe. Megjithat\u00eb, ky model i “kompensimit” minimal p\u00ebr zhvillimin e krahin\u00ebs ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrparime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb krahasim me neglizhenc\u00ebn e m\u00ebparshme, pavar\u00ebsisht shp\u00ebrdorimeve burokratike dhe korrupsionit q\u00eb e shoq\u00ebruan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pavar\u00ebsisht rritjes s\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar ekonomike n\u00eb vitet 1960 dhe 1970, problemet sociale dhe ekonomike vazhduan gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve. Investimet nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb diversifikojn\u00eb struktur\u00ebn ekonomike t\u00eb krahin\u00ebs. Kompanit\u00eb e energjis\u00eb, minierave dhe p\u00ebrpunimit t\u00eb metaleve mbet\u00ebn t\u00eb varura nga p\u00ebrpunuesit final t\u00eb produkteve n\u00eb rajonet m\u00eb t\u00eb zhvilluara t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt diktonin \u00e7mimet n\u00eb “tregun socialist”. Papun\u00ebsia mbetet m\u00eb e larta n\u00eb vend. Nga nj\u00eb popullsi prej 1.5 milion\u00eb banor\u00ebsh, vet\u00ebm 178,000 kishin pun\u00ebsim n\u00eb sektorin publik me t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebrfitimet sociale. K\u00ebto pabarazi kishin edhe nj\u00eb model komb\u00ebtar. Zhvillimi i administrat\u00ebs dhe hapja e saj ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve krijoi nj\u00eb shtres\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb shqiptare q\u00eb u integrua n\u00eb shtetin jugosllav. Aio shtres\u00eb u p\u00ebrqendrua n\u00eb qendrat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb qyteteve dhe u b\u00eb shembull i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb “v\u00ebllaz\u00ebrim-bashkimit” dhe bilinguitetit praktik. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, shumica e shqiptar\u00ebve q\u00ebndronin n\u00eb fshat dhe nuk g\u00ebzonin strehimin social, as p\u00ebrfitimet sociale dhe fuqin\u00eb konsumatore q\u00eb ishin t\u00eb lidhura ngusht\u00eb me pun\u00ebsimin n\u00eb institucionet shtet\u00ebrore dhe kompanit\u00eb e sektorit social.<\/p>\n\n\n\nPavar\u00ebsisht rritjes s\u00eb ndjeshme t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb sektorin publik ‘vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebs’, pabarazit\u00eb komb\u00ebtare vazhduan. Serb\u00ebt dhe malazez\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin 15 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1981, tashm\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin 30 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb pun\u00ebtore. Shumica e pozitave drejtuese n\u00eb kompani mbet\u00ebn n\u00eb duart e serb\u00ebve dhe malazez\u00ebve. Nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh shqiptar\u00ebsh iu drejtuan bizneseve t\u00eb vogla, t\u00eb tjer\u00eb emigruan n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim ose shfryt\u00ebzuan mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e krijuara rishtazi p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb arsimin e lart\u00eb n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe, p\u00ebr t’iu bashkuar radh\u00ebve t\u00eb t\u00eb rinjve n\u00eb zyrat e Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb Vet\u00ebqeveri\u00ebse t\u00eb interesit [BVI] p\u00ebr pun\u00ebsim pas diplomimit. K\u00ebto pabarazi sociale brenda popullsis\u00eb shqiptare \u00e7uan n\u00eb ndarje politike. Pakica u kthye drejt integrimit n\u00eb institucionet zyrtare, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb shumica e shqiptar\u00ebve politikisht aktiv\u00eb u tjet\u00ebrsuan dhe u b\u00ebn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb hapur ndaj ideve nacionaliste t\u00eb propaganduara nga Enver Hoxha [diktatori stalinist i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb] ose organizatat e fshehta borgjeze. Prapambetja e p\u00ebrgjithshme ekonomike, rritja e nacionalizmit te shqiptar\u00ebt, si dhe humbja e primatit n\u00eb institucionet vendore p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb vendosjes s\u00eb detyrimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur gjuh\u00ebn shqipe dhe aplikimit t\u00eb rrept\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7el\u00ebsave komb\u00ebtar\u00eb, shkaktuan pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi te serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs. Nd\u00ebrmjet viteve 1961 dhe 1981 rreth 85,000 serb\u00eb emigruan nga Kosova n\u00eb Serbi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gjat\u00eb viteve 1980, emigrimi i serb\u00ebve nga Kosova u b\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mobilizuese p\u00ebr nacionalist\u00ebt n\u00eb Serbi. Teza ishte se serb\u00ebt emigruan p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb presionit sistematik t\u00eb nacionalist\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb. Migrimi i serb\u00ebve nga Kosova n\u00eb qendrat urbane n\u00eb Serbin\u00eb qendrore n\u00eb ato vite ishte pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb modeli m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb serb\u00ebve nga rajonet m\u00eb pak t\u00eb zhvilluara n\u00eb Jugosllavi (Bosnj\u00eb dhe Hercegovin\u00eb, Dalmaci) drejt qendrave urbane n\u00eb Serbi dhe Vojvodin\u00eb. Pa dyshim, shum\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshje nd\u00ebrmjet familjeve rurale n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e tok\u00ebs mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb marr\u00eb konotacione nacionaliste, nd\u00ebrsa serb\u00ebt n\u00eb institucionet vendore mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb ndjer\u00eb t\u00eb margjinalizuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb njohjes s\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs shqipe. Megjithat\u00eb, do t\u00eb ishte gabim t\u00eb flitej p\u00ebr nj\u00eb d\u00ebbim t\u00eb q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb organizuar t\u00eb serb\u00ebve nga Kosova nga ana e shqiptar\u00ebve. Kriza ekonomike e viteve 1980 goditi m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti rajonet e pazhvilluara t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe motivi kryesor i emigrimit \u00ebsht\u00eb sigurisht p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimi i kushteve t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs. Fakti q\u00eb edhe 45 mij\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb u larguan nga Kosova n\u00eb vitet 1970 e mb\u00ebshtet k\u00ebt\u00eb argument. Megjithat\u00eb, tabloid\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb po nxisnin histerin\u00eb shoviniste n\u00eb Serbi, nuk u interesuan faktet dhe p\u00ebr analiza objektive t\u00eb problemit. Gazetat filluan nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb rreth p\u00ebrdhunimeve masive t\u00eb supozuara t\u00eb grave serbe, cenueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb pakic\u00ebs serbe dhe rritjes s\u00eb paligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\nKy portretizim i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm mediatik u mb\u00ebshtet nga q\u00ebndrimi zyrtar i Lidhjes s\u00eb Komunist\u00ebve t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb, e cila, pas protestave t\u00eb reja t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve p\u00ebr kushte m\u00eb t\u00eb mira jetese dhe autonomi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb vitin 1981, e cil\u00ebsoi k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebvizje si \u201ckund\u00ebrrevolucionare\u201d. Idet\u00eb raciste p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt si nj\u00eb popullsi q\u00eb zhvilloi nj\u00eb “luft\u00eb biologjike” kund\u00ebr serb\u00ebve n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebrmes niveleve t\u00eb larta t\u00eb natalitetit, gradualisht u p\u00ebrhap\u00ebn n\u00eb publikun serb dhe jugosllav. Etiketimi i shqiptar\u00ebve si “kolona e pest\u00eb” dhe “pushtues” n\u00eb Jugosllavi ishte p\u00ebrs\u00ebri i justifikuar. Pas shtypjes s\u00eb dhunshme t\u00eb protestave n\u00eb vitin 1981 nga ushtria dhe vrasjes s\u00eb nj\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb demonstruesve (sipas shifrave zyrtare), n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb u rivendos nj\u00eb qeveri ushtarake. N\u00eb vitet q\u00eb pasuan, popullsia shqiptare u p\u00ebrball me val\u00eb t\u00eb reja represioni policor dhe arrestime masive. Konteksti m\u00eb i gjer\u00eb i shfaqjes s\u00eb ideve shoviniste dhe i represionit t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb shqiptare ishte nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb e thell\u00eb ekonomike dhe politike e projektit jugosllav t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb \u201csocializmit n\u00eb akcilin vend\u201d. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve edhe nj\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndarje minimale e fondeve n\u00eb rajonet e pazhvilluara u b\u00eb nj\u00eb barr\u00eb p\u00ebr reformist\u00ebt ekonomik\u00eb pro tregut. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit politik\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do republik\u00eb filluan t\u00eb shtyjn\u00eb axhendat e tyre komb\u00ebtare dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb interesat egoiste lokale p\u00ebrpara zhvillimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb federat\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rivendosja e kapitalizmit dhe diskriminimi shtet\u00ebror<\/h2>\n\n\n\nMbizot\u00ebrimi i interesave t\u00eb ngushta republikane mbi perspektiv\u00ebn e zhvillimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt jugosllav, si dhe mbizot\u00ebrimi i reformist\u00ebve t\u00eb tregut mbi avokat\u00ebt pro-planifikimit t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi, u sh\u00ebnua nga ngritja e Slobodan Milloshevi\u00e7it n\u00eb krye t\u00eb aparatit vendor partiak n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 1980. P\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar pozit\u00ebn e tyre kundrejt republikave t\u00eb tjera, burokracia partiake dhe shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb Serbi i vun\u00eb q\u00ebllim vetes heqjen e statusit autonom n\u00eb Vojvodin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00eb dhe heqjen e pagesave t\u00eb solidaritetit p\u00ebr zhvillimin e Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 1989, Sllobodan Millosheviqi nisi nj\u00eb iniciativ\u00eb p\u00ebr miratimin e amendamenteve kushtetuese q\u00eb reduktuan ndjesh\u00ebm autonomin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, vendos\u00ebn policin\u00eb dhe gjyq\u00ebsorin n\u00ebn kontrollin serb dhe rrit\u00ebn ndikimin e Beogradit n\u00eb sistemin arsimor dhe ekonomin\u00eb. N\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb po atij viti, shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs u rezistuan masave t\u00eb shpallura me nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb demonstratash dhe grev\u00eb t\u00eb minator\u00ebve. Beogradi reagoi me mobilizime shoviniste n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat demonstruesit k\u00ebrkuan arrestimin e politikan\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb dhe shtypjen e protestave n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Federata vendosi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme n\u00eb krahin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa policia bastisi minierat dhe prishi nj\u00eb grev\u00eb t\u00eb minator\u00ebve. Udh\u00ebheqja e Kosov\u00ebs u rr\u00ebzua menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas k\u00ebsaj n\u00eb mars 1989.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb vitet q\u00eb pasuan, sistemi juridik p\u00ebrs\u00ebri diskriminoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistematike popullat\u00ebn shqiptare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra punonj\u00ebs shqiptar\u00eb u pushuan nga puna me masa emergjente, u gjobit\u00ebn p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb demonstrata dhe u detyruan t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb deklarata p\u00ebr besnik\u00ebri ndaj shtetit serb n\u00eb institucionet lokale, shkollat dhe spitalet. Mediat n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe u mbyll\u00ebn ose u vun\u00eb n\u00ebn kontrollin serb, nd\u00ebrsa programet shkollore dhe universitare u pastruan nga t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebrmbajtjet q\u00eb nuk i p\u00ebrshtateshin narrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb re shoviniste serbe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Me r\u00ebnien e institucioneve jugosllave dhe t\u00eb Lidhjes Jugosllave t\u00eb Komunist\u00ebve, udh\u00ebheqja e masave shqiptare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb u mor nga organizatat e nxjerra nga inteligjenca disidente e mish\u00ebruar n\u00eb Ibrahim Rugov\u00ebn. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb konfrontimi tjet\u00ebr me autoritetet serbe ose p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr t’u p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn parlamentare serbe dhe p\u00ebr t’u lidhur me forcat anti-nacionaliste n\u00eb Serbi, udh\u00ebheqja shqiptare zgjodhi rezistenc\u00ebn jo t\u00eb dhunshme t\u00eb Gandit dhe krijimin e institucioneve paralele. Ajo shpresonte se fuqit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore do t\u00eb njihnin ekzistenc\u00ebn e ndarjes sistematike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb rivendosnin nj\u00eb lloj autonomie brenda korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb zgjidhjes s\u00eb konflikteve t\u00eb tjera nd\u00ebr-republikane n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi.<\/p>\n\n\n\nTaktikat pacifiste p\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr v\u00ebmendjen e sundimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet vet\u00ebviktimizimit ishin t\u00eb pasuksesshme. Kosova vazhdoi t\u00eb injorohej nga \u201cbashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u201d dhe ishte n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj gjendjeje t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme brenda Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 1990. Status quo-ja u p\u00ebrshtatet politikan\u00ebve nacionalist\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebve. Duke i p\u00ebrjashtuar shqiptar\u00ebt nga jeta politike, Millosheviqi fitoi nj\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt votash n\u00eb zgjedhje, nd\u00ebrsa bashk\u00ebpartiak\u00ebt e tij dhe mafia fituan territor ku mund t\u00eb g\u00ebzonin paligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonin nga diskriminimi ndaj popullat\u00ebs vendase. Kufizimet ligjore p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e blerjes s\u00eb pronave t\u00eb paluajtshme p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrjashtimi i shqiptar\u00ebve nga sh\u00ebrbimi publik krijuan nj\u00eb rrjet t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb korrupsioni dhe nj\u00eb list\u00eb \u00e7mimesh p\u00ebr sh\u00ebrbimet q\u00eb zbatoheshin p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt q\u00eb kishin nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr sh\u00ebrbimet baz\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Ibrahim Rugova ruajti statusin e presidentit t\u00eb shtetit paralel shqiptar, i cili u tha se ishte af\u00ebr njohjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kjo situat\u00eb ishte, natyrisht, e papranueshme p\u00ebr masat shqiptare t\u00eb bllokuara n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb t\u00eb kujtonte gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb aparteidin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb viteve 1990 grupi gueril “Ushtria \u00c7lirimtare e Kosov\u00ebs” (U\u00c7K) filloi t\u00eb sulmonte policin\u00eb serbe. Si marksist\u00eb, ne e kuptojm\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht refuzimin e rezistenc\u00ebs pasive dhe rezistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb armatosur ndaj regjimit mafioz t\u00eb vendosur nga Sllobodan Millosheviqi n\u00eb ish-krahin\u00ebn autonome. Megjithat\u00eb, pyetja thelb\u00ebsore \u00ebsht\u00eb se si u zhvillua lufta e armatosur? Cilat ishin metodat e tyre dhe p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb luftuan? Nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim i p\u00ebrcipt\u00eb zbulon se U\u00c7K-ja nuk ka asnj\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri me partizan\u00ebt dhe heronjt\u00eb e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore si Ramiz Sadiku. U\u00c7K-ja gjithashtu nuk ishte nj\u00eb formacion i krahasuesh\u00ebm me grupet hoxhiste aktive n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, megjith\u00ebse rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e saj jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura me k\u00ebto organizata ilegale. Ashtu si ish-\u00abkomunist\u00ebt\u00bb n\u00eb partin\u00eb e Millosheviqit q\u00eb u kthyen n\u00eb nacionalist\u00eb brenda nat\u00ebs dhe u angazhuan n\u00eb privatizimin e pron\u00ebs publike, ish-aktivist\u00ebt e partive t\u00eb ndryshme komuniste antititiste n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb hodh\u00ebn posht\u00eb \u00abideologjin\u00eb\u00bb dhe bashkuan forcat me disident\u00ebt liberal\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb platform\u00eb t\u00eb nacionalizmit dhe nj\u00eb politik\u00eb reaksionare prokapitaliste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo situat\u00eb u shfryt\u00ebzua nga imperializmi amerikan, i cili u b\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs dhe mentor i l\u00ebvizjes shqiptare p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Imperialist\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nga shqet\u00ebsimi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut dhe lirin\u00eb e popullit shqiptar. Mb\u00ebshtetja e l\u00ebvizjes komb\u00ebtare shqiptare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe vendet e NATO-s p\u00ebr t\u00eb pohuar pranin\u00eb e tyre ushtarake n\u00eb Ballkan duke lejuar kompanit\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb terren n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Ishte gjithashtu nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar presion mbi regjimin e Milloshevi\u00e7it p\u00ebr ta detyruar at\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunoj\u00eb ose p\u00ebr ta destabilizuar at\u00eb aq sa p\u00ebr ta rr\u00ebzuar. Me ndihm\u00ebn e NATO-s, U\u00c7K-ja arriti t\u00eb d\u00ebboj\u00eb aparatin represiv serb nga Kosova. Nd\u00ebrsa kjo i solli leht\u00ebsim shumic\u00ebs shqiptare, pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb paguan nj\u00eb \u00e7mim t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb me imperializmin dhe miratimin e nj\u00eb platforme politike borgjeze.<\/p>\n\n\n\nM\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada q\u00eb nga ardhja e forcave t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ky vend vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion kukull n\u00eb raport me sponsor\u00ebt e tij. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, politika shoviniste e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb ndaj minoritetit serb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e hodhi k\u00ebt\u00eb komunitet n\u00eb duart e patron\u00ebve nacionalist\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi. Kjo hapi der\u00ebn p\u00ebr ndarje t\u00eb reja territoriale (Veriun e Kosov\u00ebs) dhe u dha atyre nj\u00eb atu n\u00eb duart e Beogradit p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim statusin e ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebto tensione t\u00eb vazhdueshme jan\u00eb nj\u00eb justifikim p\u00ebr pranin\u00eb e vazhdueshme ushtarake t\u00eb trupave t\u00eb huaja n\u00eb terren p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00ebn kontroll “konfliktet etnike”. Pas grabitjes nga pasardh\u00ebsit e Millosheviqit, ish-prona shoq\u00ebrore e nd\u00ebrtuar nga pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt n\u00eb mbar\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn ra n\u00eb duart e fituesve t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb luft\u00ebs – ish-komandant\u00ebve t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb dhe investitor\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Lufta p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, e udh\u00ebhequr nga inteligjenca nacionaliste, borgjezia e vog\u00ebl dhe leckat e reja, p\u00ebrfundoi n\u00eb rrug\u00eb pa krye. Shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mbeten peng n\u00eb negociatat e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja p\u00ebr revanshiz\u00ebm shovinist kund\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebve e m\u00ebnjanon organizimin politik t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore dhe rinis\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi. Pra, si mund t\u00eb dalim nga ky rreth vicioz i konflikteve politike t\u00eb zhvilluara nga elitat rivale nacionaliste; elitat q\u00eb me pretekstin e mbrojtjes s\u00eb popullit t\u00eb tyre e mbajn\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Ballkanin n\u00eb mjerim dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb status gjysm\u00ebkolonial?\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Armiku i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb oborret tona t\u00eb p\u00ebrparme<\/h2>\n\n\n\n Klasa pun\u00ebtore dhe rinia serbe nuk kan\u00eb interes t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb rivendosur dominimin e klas\u00ebs sunduese serbe mbi Kosov\u00ebn. Nj\u00eb program i till\u00eb vet\u00ebm do t’i n\u00ebnshtronte elitave politike dhe ekonomike serbe dhe do t\u00eb lejonte militarizimin e m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb serbe. Nj\u00ebsitet luftarake dhe arm\u00ebt e blera nga shteti serb me sloganin \u201ckthim n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb\u201d do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren kund\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve serb\u00eb n\u00ebse organizohen m\u00eb seriozisht n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e tyre sociale dhe politike. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 20-t\u00eb, shteti serb kishte nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb mund\u00ebsish p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se ishte i aft\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillonte Kosov\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb fitonte besimin e popullat\u00ebs shumic\u00eb shqiptare. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ai u soll n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kolonialiste dhe raciste. Pas nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoje t\u00eb till\u00eb historike, \u00ebsht\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht e kuptueshme q\u00eb populli shqiptar nuk d\u00ebshiron m\u00eb t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb n\u00ebn sundimin e shtetit serb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Lufta n\u00eb Nagorno-Karabakh na tregon se konfliktet e ngrira l\u00ebn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthyer nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb re, nd\u00ebrsa lufta n\u00eb Donbas na tregon se zonat me status t\u00eb diskutuesh\u00ebm mund t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb leht\u00ebsisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt m\u00eb t\u00eb madh imperialist. Shum\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs t\u00eb sloganit “Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb Serbi” nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb dijeni se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit nj\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr luft\u00eb dhe spastrim etnik, q\u00eb do t’i kushtonte jet\u00eb nj\u00eb numri t\u00eb madh t\u00eb serb\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. Nuk ka asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u00eb rivendosur kontrollin serb mbi nj\u00eb popullat\u00eb q\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshton me vendosm\u00ebri at\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha luft\u00ebrat n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi, ishin kriminel\u00ebt, politikan\u00ebt dhe kapitalist\u00ebt ata q\u00eb p\u00ebrfituan m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti, nd\u00ebrsa pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt sh\u00ebrbyen si “ushqim p\u00ebr topa”, mbajt\u00ebn pesh\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb rivendosjes s\u00eb kapitalizmit. Shum\u00eb veteran\u00eb t\u00eb luft\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb paaft\u00eb dhe jan\u00eb braktisur nga shtetet e tyre t\u00eb sapokrijuara pasi kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar detyr\u00ebn e tyre ushtarake. Nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ndryshe n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb re nacionaliste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Komunist\u00ebt n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi duhet t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb se p\u00ebrvoja historike e jet\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha ish-shtet-kombe ballkanike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme e b\u00ebn popullsin\u00eb shqiptare t\u00eb jet\u00eb e kujdesshme dhe dyshuese ndaj fqinj\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre sllav\u00eb. Fajin p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb e ka n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, por jo ekskluzivisht, borgjezia serbe. Gabimet e burokracis\u00eb titiste komprometuan edhe komunist\u00ebt jugosllav\u00eb, t\u00eb njohur deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore si luft\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb pakompromis kund\u00ebr shovinizmit dhe racizmit. Prandaj, rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritja e aleanc\u00ebs revolucionare t\u00eb popujve sllav\u00eb dhe shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan duhet t\u00eb filloj\u00eb me mb\u00ebshtetjen pa m\u00ebdyshje t\u00eb komunist\u00ebve p\u00ebr aspiratat historike t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetuar n\u00eb shtetin e tyre.<\/p>\n\n\n\nMb\u00ebshtetja e komunist\u00ebve jugosllav\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vet\u00ebvendosjes s\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb as mb\u00ebshtetje p\u00ebr regjimin kapitalist komprador q\u00eb ka sunduar Kosov\u00ebn q\u00eb nga viti 1999 dhe as mb\u00ebshtetje p\u00ebr pushtimin aktual imperialist t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebrkundrazi, duke mb\u00ebshtetur k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, ne i b\u00ebjm\u00eb thirrje klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t’i bashkohet nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebbuar t\u00eb gjitha forcat imperialiste dhe sh\u00ebrb\u00ebtor\u00ebt e tyre nga Ballkani – nga Prishtina n\u00eb Lubjan\u00eb, Zagrebi, Banjalluka, Sarajeva, Podgorica, Beogradi dhe Shkupi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Thirrja jon\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar s\u00eb bashku nuk p\u00ebrmban kurrfar\u00eb prapaskene a fsheht\u00ebsi. Ne nuk vendosim ndonj\u00eb kusht t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb plot\u00ebsojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cmerituar\u201d mb\u00ebshtetjen ton\u00eb. Ne mb\u00ebshtesim t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje, pavar\u00ebsisht se kush e qeveris at\u00eb aktualisht. Ne e hedhim posht\u00eb qasjen q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb kombi i shtypur t’u “d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb” shtyp\u00ebsve se \u00ebsht\u00eb “i denj\u00eb” p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vet\u00ebvendosjes! Nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje e arroganc\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb kombeve dominuese dhe penges\u00eb p\u00ebr unitetin e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Ne gjithashtu nuk pajtohemi me ata t\u00eb majt\u00eb q\u00eb e relativizojn\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e shtypjes komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrmes abstraksioneve dhe besimit se zgjidhja e k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtje duhet t\u00eb pres\u00eb deri n\u00eb \u00e7lirimin klasor. Sot, duke u shfryt\u00ebzuar nga kapitalist\u00ebt dhe shum\u00ebkomb\u00ebshet shqiptar\u00ebt, masat shqiptare, nuk p\u00ebrballen me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb ngacmimit dhe persekutimit nga ushtria serbe apo milicit\u00eb paramilitare. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb leht\u00ebsim i madh p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn e p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb vendase dhe nj\u00eb parakusht p\u00ebr zhvillimin e m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb organizimit t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb klas\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Negociatat mes Beogradit dhe Prishtin\u00ebs nuk po zhvillohen me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb gjetjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme p\u00ebr \u201ckonfliktin serbo-shqiptar\u201d, por si mbules\u00eb p\u00ebr lidhjen e \u201cmarr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb pabarabarta\u201d neokoloniale me forcat imperialiste, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb me Shtetet e Bashkuara. K\u00ebto marr\u00ebveshje e sjellin Serbin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb var\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb ekonomike dhe ia dor\u00ebzojn\u00eb kontrollin e tokave dhe burimeve t\u00eb tyre imperializmit. E vetmja m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t’i marr\u00eb atut\u00eb “paqeruajt\u00ebse” nga duart e imperialist\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb pajtimi nd\u00ebrmjet Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb njohje nga klasa pun\u00ebtore serbe e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje dhe pavar\u00ebsi. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e vetme p\u00ebr t\u00eb hedhur themelet p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunimin e ardhsh\u00ebm dhe luft\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kund\u00ebr kapitalit global dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb tij vendor\u00eb, si dhe p\u00ebr ruajtjen e trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe kthimin e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb shp\u00ebrngulur serbe n\u00eb vendlindje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb detyra jon\u00eb t’u themi sinqerisht rinis\u00eb dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve p\u00ebrparimtar\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs se mb\u00ebshtetja jon\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se kemi ndonj\u00eb iluzion se pavar\u00ebsia komb\u00ebtare do t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb problemet e shumta ekonomike dhe politike me t\u00eb cilat ballafaqohen t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb sot. P\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit do t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb n\u00ebn sundimin e borgjezis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre, t\u00eb gjitha problemet historike do t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebriten gjithmon\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht se si jan\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr kufijt\u00eb. Pavar\u00ebsia formale e Kosov\u00ebs nuk sjell automatikisht sovranitet komb\u00ebtar apo progres ekonomik. D\u00ebshtimet e fundit t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb “shtet t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies” n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pas fitores s\u00eb tij n\u00eb zgjedhje, qoft\u00eb edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb modeste, tregojn\u00eb qart\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e reformave progresive sociale n\u00eb periferin\u00eb kapitaliste. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha mang\u00ebsive t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Socialiste Federative t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe faktit q\u00eb ajo tradhtoi detyr\u00ebn e shpallur t\u00eb \u00e7lirimit komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, arritjet emancipuese q\u00eb p\u00ebrjetoi Kosova n\u00eb vitet 1960 dhe 1970 sugjerojn\u00eb se nj\u00eb prosperitet m\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs ekonomik, social dhe kulturor \u00ebsht\u00eb i mundshme vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kuadrin e shtetit t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb planifikuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb theksohet se nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh i pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve dhe fshatar\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha grupeve etnike jetonin n\u00eb paqe si fqinj\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, madje edhe n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e histeris\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb trazuar nacionaliste t\u00eb nxitur nga elitat nacionaliste. K\u00ebshtu ndodh edhe sot n\u00eb disa vende. Fqinj\u00ebt ndihmojn\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin, vizitojn\u00eb sht\u00ebpit\u00eb e nj\u00ebri-tjetrit dhe ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e komuniteteve t\u00eb tjera. P\u00ebrqendrimi i medias borgjeze te makro-politika dhe konflikti e err\u00ebsojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb solidaritet n\u00eb nivel mikro, i cili mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb baz\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb lloj krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ri t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Shumica e serb\u00ebve n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn jugore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs vijn\u00eb nga familje t\u00eb varfra fshatare q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb ku t\u00eb ikin. Nj\u00eb program i barazis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare dhe nj\u00eb platform\u00eb sociale n\u00eb k\u00ebto komunitete sigurisht q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb pranueshm\u00ebri sesa politikat shoviniste t\u00eb Beogradit. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, shum\u00eb familje shqiptare vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb lidhje kulturore dhe ekonomike me Serbin\u00eb dhe pjes\u00ebt e tjera t\u00eb ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb. Ky mbetet nj\u00eb potencial i pashfryt\u00ebzuar dhe nj\u00eb baz\u00eb solide sociale p\u00ebr nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb t\u00eb re marksiste n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Populli shqiptar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb kurr\u00eb i lir\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk lufton p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb e popujve pakic\u00eb q\u00eb e rrethojn\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb m\u00ebsojm\u00eb shum\u00eb nga l\u00ebvizjet partizane n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe Jugosllavi n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr fashizmit. Respektimi i plot\u00eb i t\u00eb drejtave komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb popujve pakic\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i solidaritetit n\u00eb terren nuk ishin thjesht “parime udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse ideologjike”, por m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb efektive p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin komb\u00ebtar dhe revolucionin socialist. N\u00ebse duan t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb reale, forcat progresive n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duhet t\u00eb punojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr minoritetin serb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e tyre. P\u00ebrndryshe, ata rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb baz\u00eb reaksionare p\u00ebr nacionalizmin serb n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, duke lejuar Beogradin dhe fuqit\u00eb e huaja t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrzihen n\u00eb politik\u00ebn lokale. Respektimi i t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb minoriteteve nuk n\u00ebnkupton futjen e kuotave parlamentare dhe \u00e7el\u00ebsave komb\u00ebtar\u00eb n\u00eb institucione t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb modelet burokratike t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian. Do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh solidaritet t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm n\u00eb terren duke luftuar s\u00eb bashku dhe duke mbrojtur fqinj\u00ebt kund\u00ebr sulmeve shoviniste. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e vetme p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar besim nd\u00ebretnik dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb hapur nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb denj\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pavarur p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\nPrandaj, p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur vet\u00ebvendosjen dhe pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebrparimtare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb shk\u00ebpuste aleancat politike me rrymat politike nacionaliste dhe borgjeze shqiptare. Lufta p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre shtresave t\u00eb privilegjuara dhe t\u00eb masave popullore jan\u00eb aspirata kontradiktore. Si\u00e7 e shohim, ish-udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb si dhe trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebt e Ibrahim Rugov\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb statusin gjysm\u00ebkolonial t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrderisa mund t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb grumbullojn\u00eb pasurin\u00eb e tyre private brenda k\u00ebsaj kornize. Pavar\u00ebsia komb\u00ebtare e kombeve t\u00eb vogla n\u00eb nj\u00eb rend bot\u00ebror imperialist \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb iluzion, sepse borgjezia vendase kompradore \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur fort me kapitalin global imperialist. Ata t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs nga fuqit\u00eb imperialiste. N\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb huaj, ata ofrojn\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb n\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzimin e popullit t\u00eb tyre dhe shtypjen e kombeve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb vogla, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb vendeve fqinje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs nuk e shterron dilem\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare shqiptare n\u00eb Ballkan. K\u00ebrkesa e shqiptar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Ballkan \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht legjitime. Kjo vlen edhe p\u00ebr \u00e7do komb tjet\u00ebr ballkanik. E fundit, por jo m\u00eb pak e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, serb\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, si shqiptar\u00ebt, jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb zona pjes\u00ebrisht sovrane n\u00ebn protektoratet e huaja (Republik Srpska) ose si pakica komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb shtetet fqinje. Zgjidhja e propozuar nga politikan\u00ebt nacionalist\u00eb borgjez\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb perspektiva e krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00abShqip\u00ebrie t\u00eb Madhe\u00bb. Megjithat\u00eb, ndarja e territorit t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi dhe Maqedonis\u00eb dhe bashkimi i tyre me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e qart\u00eb drejt luft\u00ebs, spastrimit etnik dhe gjakderdhjes s\u00eb re n\u00eb Ballkan. L\u00ebvizje t\u00eb tilla do t\u00eb nxisnin urrejtjen midis popujve t\u00eb Ballkanit dhe do t\u00eb vendosnin nj\u00eb barr\u00eb shtes\u00eb p\u00ebr brezat e ardhsh\u00ebm. Ashtu si\u00e7 serb\u00ebt mund t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb projekti jugosllav, shqiptar\u00ebt mund t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb unitetin komb\u00ebtar vet\u00ebm brenda komunitetit m\u00eb t\u00eb madh ballkanik t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb barabart\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mund\u00ebsia historike e humbur n\u00eb vitet e para pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore na tregon rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara. N\u00eb lidhje me nd\u00ebrveprimet e revolucioneve socialiste n\u00eb Jugosllavi, Bullgari, Shqip\u00ebri dhe Greqi, statusi i \u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare shqiptare mund t\u00eb ishte zgjidhur brenda Federat\u00ebs Socialiste Ballkanike. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb rajon i l\u00ebn\u00eb pas dore, periferik i shtetit jugosllav, Kosova mund t\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr ekonomike dhe kulturore q\u00eb lidh rajonet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb nj\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb koordinuar. Nj\u00eb federat\u00eb ballkanike mund t\u00eb kishte ofruar hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr zhvillimin e kulturave komb\u00ebtare si t\u00eb popullit shqiptar ashtu edhe atij serb, n\u00eb komunikim me shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb shumic\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe Serbi. Ajo gjithashtu mund ta kishte lidhur Kosov\u00ebn me zona t\u00eb tjera ekonomike plot\u00ebsuese n\u00eb rajon dhe t’i jepte akses t\u00eb lir\u00eb n\u00eb portet e Selanikut dhe Durr\u00ebsit. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, komunist\u00ebt vendas iu drejtuan “rrug\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare drejt socializmit” dhe hap\u00ebn rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr rivendosjen e kapitalizmit dhe intoleranc\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Ballkan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\u00c7lirimi komb\u00ebtar i popujve t\u00eb Ballkanit \u00ebsht\u00eb i mundur vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb revolucioni socialist, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin masat pun\u00ebtore marrin kontrollin e burimeve t\u00eb tyre, infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre dhe industrive q\u00eb kan\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar. Historia na tregon se revolucioni socialist n\u00eb Ballkan mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e Ballkanit luftojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb bashku. Logjika e zhvillimit ekonomik dhe social dikton q\u00eb rendi socialist revolucionar mund t\u00eb lul\u00ebzoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm duke kap\u00ebrcyer kufijt\u00eb komb\u00ebtar\u00eb dhe duke krijuar nj\u00eb federat\u00eb t\u00eb shteteve pun\u00ebtore. Q\u00eb nj\u00eb federat\u00eb e till\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e suksesshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kombet t\u00eb bashkohen plot\u00ebsisht vullnetarisht dhe n\u00eb barazi t\u00eb plot\u00eb. Prandaj, organizata marksiste “E kuqe” mbron njohjen e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje si parakusht p\u00ebr revolucionin socialist ballkanik dhe bashkimin e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve ballkanik\u00eb n\u00eb Federat\u00ebn Socialiste Ballkanike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Proleteri svih zemalja, ujedinite se!<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\nProletar\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha vendeve, bashkohuni!<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\u041f\u0440\u043e\u043b\u0435\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0438 \u043e\u0434 \u0441\u0438\u0442\u0435 \u0437\u0435\u043c\u0458\u0438, \u043e\u0431\u0435\u0434\u0438\u043d\u0435\u0442\u0435 \u0441\u0435!<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n24 prill 2022, Organizata marksiste “E kuqe”, IMT<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Q\u00ebndrimet politike ndaj Kosov\u00ebs – brenda Serbis\u00eb dhe m\u00eb gjer\u00eb n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi – shpesh bazohen n\u00eb mitologjin\u00eb dhe paragjykimet e<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1683,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","enabled":false}}},"categories":[5,17,15],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1858","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-balkan","category-internacionala","category-makedonija"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"yoast_head":"\n
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